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There is reason to believe that, had Serbian President Slobodan Milo_evi?been penalized for pursuing his course in Kosovo -- through the use of international sanctions and worldwide opprobrium -- the tragic warfare in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina might have been prevented.Helsinki Watch takes no position on the territorial or political construction of the former Yugoslav republics (i.e., Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia) or the current Yugoslav republics and provinces (i,.e., Montenegro, Serbia, Vojvodina and Kosovo.) Helsinki Watch takes no position on the political status of Kosovo within Yugoslavia or its secession from Serbia or the Yugoslav federation.

Many of the abuses in the past two years have been a result of the Albanians' refusal to accept direct Serbian rule and the use of repressive measures by Serbian authorities to force Albanian submission to Belgrade's rule.4Since the government of Slobodan Milo_evi?

assumed direct control of Kosovo's governance and security in 1990, the human rights situation has worsened dramatically.

developed what has become his distinctive pattern of aggression and repression when he imposed what amounted to emergency rule in Kosovo.

He began in 1988 by proposing changes to Serbia's constitution which would effectively revoke the autonomy granted to the provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina by Yugoslavia's 1974 constitution.3 In response, ethnic Albanians called for Kosovo's secession from Serbia and its creation as an independent, constituent republic of Yugoslavia.

Thereafter, Albanian representatives of the provincial parliament established "underground" institutions of government.

Most Albanians abide by the decisions of this shadow government and refuse to accept Belgrade's direct rule over Kosovo, in which they claim not to be represented.

Serbian authorities in Kosovo are responsible for the torture and killing of ethnic Albanians in detention.

Adequate investigation, prosecution or punishment of those responsible for the murder, torture or mistreatment of Albanians in Kosovo is rarely undertaken.

After his rise to power as President of Serbia in 1987, President Milo_evi?

embarked on a series of moves to extend his power throughout Yugoslavia, with little regard for the human rights of non-Serbs or those Serbs opposed to his policies.

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    Nov 20, 2007. Re Dating in Serbia.do's and don'ts. Nov 20, 2007, AM. Can you really generalise in that way? I'm curious as to this thread, is it a blind date? You will find more of an extended family culture here but the main obsticle will potentially be your attitude and beliefs due to your. exposure to propaganda in.…

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    National Intelligence Estimate 15-90 Yugoslavia Transformed 1990-10-01 Welcome to the new CIA Electronic Reading Room. Be sure to bookmark this site, and note that our former URL will be decommissioned in the near future. Document Type SPECIALCOLLECTION. Collection Bosnia, Intelligence.…

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    The roots of the Balkan crisis of the 1990s, particularly those in the area identified as Bosnia-Hercegovina, are found in the history of what we call Yugoslavia. settlement dates to the 7th century A. D. The increasingly powerful state of Hungary began to cast covetous glances at what we call Bosnia-Hercegovina during the.…

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    Serbs fear that Albanians, who compromise approximately 90 percent of Kosovo's population or between 1.6 and 1.8 million people,7 have irridentist aspirations and that their call for secession from Serbia and creation of an independent republic is merely a mask for eventual union with neighboring Albania. Serbs also.…